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Originally posted by john doe@Sep 28 2004, 05:47 PM

John Doe---The soviet union fell apart because they had to spend so much of their resources on defense that there was nothing left to keep a consumer economy running. end of story.

And yet, the country that does not subscribe to your theories had a vibrant economy going, with more than enough left over to force the Soviets into submission, and to admit that their ideas do not work. A government taking from the rich and giving it to the poor does not work.

And just who were they trying to defend themselves from? It seems to me that their policies were much more aggressive and punitive to nonbelievers than the democratic movement was. I remember the "we will crush you" speech at the UN, do you?

john doe---what are you talking about????? "The country that does not subscribe to my theories?" You read my posts and think I am advocating communism? Interesting black and white universe you live in.

The fact that the soviet system was not a democracy and was totalitarian, and didn't follow our human rights and constitution is of little relevance to whether they had reason to fear OUR war machine.

What "forced" the Soviets into submission was the fact that they realized that they could no longer afford to keep up with our technical capacity to make war on them. Also, by the time the late '80's rolled around, it was probably apparent to them that we were probably not going to aggress on them the way SOME of our leaders had advocated back in the late '40's and '50's.

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Originally posted by Cal@Sep 29 2004, 03:50 PM

What "forced" the Soviets into submission was the fact that they realized that they could no longer afford to keep up with our technical capacity to make war on them. Also, by the time the late '80's rolled around, it was probably apparent to them that we were probably not going to aggress on them the way SOME of our leaders had advocated back in the late '40's and '50's.

Which SOME of our leaders advocated agressing on the Soviets back in the late 40's and 50's? So far, you haven't mentioned any names, despite having the question put to you before, except MacArther and Patton, who don't really qualify as "our leaders".
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Originally posted by TheProudDuck@Sep 29 2004, 01:52 PM

Cal,

On your point about the rich and their investment potential. Your comment would have made sense if the rich DIDN'T have plenty of investment capital. The problem today is NOT lack of investment capital. It is UNEMPLOYMENT. What good is investment capitalization when people can't buy the good whose production you are INVESTING in. Under Clinton unemployment went down dramatically, improving consumer demand while the costs of production went down due to improved efficiency. That was a formula that WORKED.

It's not a "lack of investment capital" that causes problems during a recession. Money doesn't just disappear. It's the velocity of money that goes away. When they perceive a high-risk economic climate, investors move away from higher-yield, higher-risk investments like IPOs and ventures towards lower-growth, lower-yield ones like cash and Treasuries. The result is a decline in capital investment and productivity, which can depress the economy still further, create an even greater atmosphere of risk, and create a downward spiral.

Investors invest based on a ratio of risk to return. By lowering marginal tax rates, government can increase the real return on investment. All things being equal, this will tend to result in increased investment.

If unemployment is such a problem today at 5.5%, then President Clinton wasn't being honest when, campaigning for a second term in 1996, he touted the then-5.6% unemployment rate as a sign of a strong economy. As for your analysis of Clinton's economic "model" (i.e., supposedly increasing consumer purchasing power by decreasing unemployment), if you look at the statistics, neither factor moved all that dramatically. Consumer spending remained virtually constant throughout the 2001 recession, and accordingly wasn't a substantial factor in either the recession or the recovery.

As you correctly pointed out, the key to the (fleeting) spike in prosperity halfway through Clinton's second term was increased worker productivity. Which measures proposed and enacted by President Clinton to you credit with causing that increase?

This is something of a strawman argument on your part--I am not advocating that the wealthy forego all of its wealth. I don't think that that is what Keysians advocate anyway.

No, it's not. I didn't say they did, or that you are. What I'm saying is that you are focusing exclusively on consumer spending as the key to recovering from recessions, and ignoring the importance of investment. That's the Keynesian fallacy.

I do think you have misinterpreted the causes of the problems with the economy of the 1920's. It was not JUST that consumers had too little to spend, which WAS true, but that the equity markets had too LITTLE control on trading practices.

The stock market crash was caused by speculation in an overheated, unsupervised market. But markets have crashed regularly throughout American history, and while they caused recessions, it took some spectacularly stupid government interventions to create the full-blown, decade-long Depression. Start with Hoover's tax increase, add old Utah Senator Smoot's tariff (which also helped give us Hitler, thank you very much), include the SEC's regulations (some of which were needed, and others of which discouraged investment altogether), combined with the anti-business atmosphere of the 1930s, and you turned a garden-variety recession into a national calamity that, but for the resilience of American institutions, could have left us a socialist or fascist state, as happened in other countries.

By the way--Reagan had his opportunity to demonstrate the effectiveness of "supply-side" economics. It didn't work any better than what you characterize as "Keynsian economics.

Take a look at economic indicators from the 1970s and compare them with those from the 1980s, and explain to me what you're talking about.

Part of the supply-side argument is that there comes a point when increased tax rates do not produce increased revenue. The clearest example of this would be to take things to extremes -- say, a 50% tax rate vs. a 100% tax rate. Under a linear model, a 100% tax rate would result in twice as much tax revenue as a 50% tax rate. But that's absurd; nobody would work for free. Instead of a 100% increase, the result of a doubling of tax rates from 50% to 100% would likely be that no taxes were collected at all.

The tricky part is finding the optimum point where marginal tax increases start discouraging economic activity enough to result in fewer tax revenues. I think it's probably around 33%. Certainly the 70% marginal tax rates that President Reagan eliminated were past that point.

Re: outsourcing -- see the following. Bottom line, it's a hugely exaggerated issue.

http://www.nytimes.com/2004/09/29/opinion/.../29drezner.html

I do not overlook the importance of capital investment as a stimulus to the economy. Of course there has to be capital investment and risk taking, and environment in which that can take place. I think what we are disagreeing on is how to make that happen. Perhaps I am reading too much into your position by infering that if you had your way, you would remove all but a token tax on the wealthy, so as to maximize the investment environment. If so, then we are not too far apart. But, there is more to the welfare of the country than just capital growth and productivity. We need to, yes, stimulate the economy by putting money in the hands of consumers, through low unemployment and reasonable wages. But, we also need to be able to address the needs of the poor and the less fortunate.

Getting off the subject a little.......

I know Snow thinks that every one who doesn't claw his way to the top, is a lazy good-for-nothing that doesn't deserve any help from uncle Sam. I look at it from a difference perspective. First, not all the poor "will" themselves into poverty. Many have never had the educational or cultural "vision" to even start making progress. Secondly, the government programs that have helped people get a "vision" of education and upward mobility, have been universally opposed by the Repubs and promoted almost entirely by democrats---ex. Upward Bound, pre-school programs, government loans for college ed. Interesting that the LDS church helps the poor and needy, and yet the Federal government shouldn't?

Oh.. that's right, the Fed. let's people get away with doing nothing but collect welfare, with nothing done in return. Well, that is mostly myth. The fact is, no one is getting rich off welfare, and most people that ARE on it, are on it for relatively short periods of time. The chronic welfare collectors are the exception, not the rule.

By the way, it was the Clinton administration that did ANYTHING at all in decades to reform welfare.

By the way, it is my recollection that the SEC didn't exist during the 1920's. ( I am willing to be corrected on that) That was part of the problem. I do agree that Hoover didn't have a clue how to handle the depression. Taking money out of the hands of consumers was the absolute wrong thing to do. The proof is in the pudding as to what it took to pull us out of the that depression. None of the pro-business tactics worked, except one---put money in the hands of the consumer. That worked.

As to taxation, you have raised the argument of the extreme. I don't advocate such drastic taxation. I just think the Repubs favor a scheme that distributes more wealth into the hands of the wealthy than is necessary, and tends to slow the economy because of less spending power in the hands of the middle and low class.

As to Reaganomics, you seem to think that Reagan solved our economic problems--if you will recall, inflation continued, at a lesser rate, but still high; interest rates stayed high, government spending went totally wild, unemployment was still a bit high and the real spending power of the middle class went to hades, and the poor got poorer. That is not what I call progress.

Under Clinton, unemployment went down, interest rates went down, real income went up drastically, the percentage below the poverty line went down, crime went down---I DO call that progress.

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Guest TheProudDuck

Cal,

No, the SEC didn't exist during the 1920s. It was instituted during the 1930s. But some aspects of securities regulation did help perpetuate the Depression, just as the new Sarbanes-Oxley regulations (a hasty response to the stock-manipulation scandals that took place during the late 1990s) also impose costs that probably outweigh their benefits.

The liberal mythology is that Hoover brooded mid' darkest night, then Roosevelt came and lo! all was light. Didn't happen that way. Some economists argue that the more controlling parts of the New Deal extended the Depression longer than it should have lasted. World War II took care of the unemployment problem by drafting everybody and getting half a million men killed. Brutal, but true. Unemployment spiked again in 1946 when the men started coming home, and the economy went into recession from the end of war spending. Fortunately, though, the distortions of the 1930s had been worked out of the system, and we went back to a normal business cycle.

Again, you can't look at the 1940s recovery merely in light of consumer spending. True, war workers were getting plenty of money. But so was industry. The government put war contracts on a cost-plus basis, which allowed them to make boatloads of money to use for postwar investments. Then, there was the advantage American industry got when its European competitors basically got bombed into powder. We enjoyed a ten-year run of having the field virtually to ourselves, and exported ourselves silly.

Perhaps I am reading too much into your position by infering that if you had your way, you would remove all but a token tax on the wealthy, so as to maximize the investment environment.

That's reading quite a bit into my position. I think progressive taxation is a sound idea, within reason. Obviously, a wealthy person can absorb a bigger tax bite than a poor person can. Which is why the rich pay the vast majority of income taxes, and have for a long time.

The problem I have is that it's become impossible to enact any kind of tax relief for the upper brackets -- even if tax breaks for the lower brackets are included which make the tax code even more progressive than it was, as the Bush tax cuts did. (It's true -- even though the largest absolute amount of tax relief went to the upper brackets who pay the most taxes, the lower brackets got proportionately larger breaks.) When the upper tax breaks get lowered at all, the Democrats have every incentive to demagogue the issue, accusing their opponents of favoring the wealthy.

In other words, Democrats will attack any reduction on upper-bracket tax rates, even when the economic situation suggests this should be done to make sure both consumer spending and investment revive.

Another problem is that when you increase the progressivity of the tax code too much, you make it unstable. The reasons for this are obvious, once you think about it. Lower-income people pay relatively little income tax. In fact, many low-income people actually get money back from the IRS because of the earned-income tax credit. Their incomes, in addition, don't fluctuate much between good times and bad (unless they lose their jobs, but the number of additional unemployed even in a relatively severe recession is still small compared to the whole).

High-income people, on the other hand, tend not to have fixed wages that don't fluctuate much based on the economic climate. Really rich people make their money from businesses they own or from investments. The result is that in poor economic times, their income tends to shrink dramatically proportionate to their income peaks. (Not that it matters; they typically have plenty of reserves to keep spending.) The problem with this for the tax collector is that we tax income, not consumption, and so when rich people are able to post relatively low incomes, tax collections plunge. The more the budget depends on these unstable incomes, the more susceptible it is to massive deficits when recessions happen.

That's one reason I favor a consumption-based tax (with a large personal exemption so that people can pay for basic necessities pre-tax, and so that progressivity is preserved.)

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Originally posted by Cal@Sep 28 2004, 07:42 AM

We seem to be arguing a point upon which we will never agree: Who should carry the greater tax burden, the rich, poor or middle class. I say the rich, as you correctly point out they do now. I never said they didn't. I just say that they should continue to do so, and Bush's efforts at changing that are misguided.

Why must you dishonestly misrepresent the situation. There is no Bush attempt to make anyone other than the highest earners carry the largest burden. Bush may be attempting to make the burden less disporportionate but not as you suggest to make it so they don't pay the lion's share.
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Originally posted by TheProudDuck@Sep 29 2004, 07:01 PM

Cal,

No, the SEC didn't exist during the 1920s. It was instituted during the 1930s. But some aspects of securities regulation did help perpetuate the Depression, just as the new Sarbanes-Oxley regulations (a hasty response to the stock-manipulation scandals that took place during the late 1990s) also impose costs that probably outweigh their benefits.

The liberal mythology is that Hoover brooded mid' darkest night, then Roosevelt came and lo! all was light. Didn't happen that way. Some economists argue that the more controlling parts of the New Deal extended the Depression longer than it should have lasted. World War II took care of the unemployment problem by drafting everybody and getting half a million men killed. Brutal, but true. Unemployment spiked again in 1946 when the men started coming home, and the economy went into recession from the end of war spending. Fortunately, though, the distortions of the 1930s had been worked out of the system, and we went back to a normal business cycle.

Again, you can't look at the 1940s recovery merely in light of consumer spending. True, war workers were getting plenty of money. But so was industry. The government put war contracts on a cost-plus basis, which allowed them to make boatloads of money to use for postwar investments. Then, there was the advantage American industry got when its European competitors basically got bombed into powder. We enjoyed a ten-year run of having the field virtually to ourselves, and exported ourselves silly.

Perhaps I am reading too much into your position by infering that if you had your way, you would remove all but a token tax on the wealthy, so as to maximize the investment environment.

That's reading quite a bit into my position. I think progressive taxation is a sound idea, within reason. Obviously, a wealthy person can absorb a bigger tax bite than a poor person can. Which is why the rich pay the vast majority of income taxes, and have for a long time.

The problem I have is that it's become impossible to enact any kind of tax relief for the upper brackets -- even if tax breaks for the lower brackets are included which make the tax code even more progressive than it was, as the Bush tax cuts did. (It's true -- even though the largest absolute amount of tax relief went to the upper brackets who pay the most taxes, the lower brackets got proportionately larger breaks.) When the upper tax breaks get lowered at all, the Democrats have every incentive to demagogue the issue, accusing their opponents of favoring the wealthy.

In other words, Democrats will attack any reduction on upper-bracket tax rates, even when the economic situation suggests this should be done to make sure both consumer spending and investment revive.

Another problem is that when you increase the progressivity of the tax code too much, you make it unstable. The reasons for this are obvious, once you think about it. Lower-income people pay relatively little income tax. In fact, many low-income people actually get money back from the IRS because of the earned-income tax credit. Their incomes, in addition, don't fluctuate much between good times and bad (unless they lose their jobs, but the number of additional unemployed even in a relatively severe recession is still small compared to the whole).

High-income people, on the other hand, tend not to have fixed wages that don't fluctuate much based on the economic climate. Really rich people make their money from businesses they own or from investments. The result is that in poor economic times, their income tends to shrink dramatically proportionate to their income peaks. (Not that it matters; they typically have plenty of reserves to keep spending.) The problem with this for the tax collector is that we tax income, not consumption, and so when rich people are able to post relatively low incomes, tax collections plunge. The more the budget depends on these unstable incomes, the more susceptible it is to massive deficits when recessions happen.

That's one reason I favor a consumption-based tax (with a large personal exemption so that people can pay for basic necessities pre-tax, and so that progressivity is preserved.)

One thing I hate about Sarbanes-Oxley is the attempt to dilute the Attorney-Client priviledge, and confidentiality rules of attorney ethics. Totally misguided attempt, IMHO. There is a much bigger picture to consider than just curbing securities violations--Att priv. needs to be protected at all costs.( We'll maybe not ALL cost, but at a cost higher than what the SEC is going to get by breaching ATT-Client rules.) The IRS is already starting to dilute the priviledge, I quess everybody else might as well jump on the band wagon! I suspect you agree.

I'm glad you agree improved consumer spending contributed to the economic recovery of the '40's. I will give you that government stimulus to big business may have also helped. We may not be so far apart after all. :)

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Originally posted by Snow+Sep 29 2004, 09:50 PM--></span><table border='0' align='center' width='95%' cellpadding='3' cellspacing='1'><tr><td>QUOTE (Snow @ Sep 29 2004, 09:50 PM)</td></tr><tr><td id='QUOTE'> <!--QuoteBegin--Cal@Sep 28 2004, 07:42 AM

We seem to be arguing a point upon which we will never agree: Who should carry the greater tax burden, the rich, poor or middle class. I say the rich, as you correctly point out they do now. I never said they didn't. I just say that they should continue to do so, and Bush's efforts at changing that are misguided.

Why must you dishonestly misrepresent the situation. There is no Bush attempt to make anyone other than the highest earners carry the largest burden. Bush may be attempting to make the burden less disporportionate but not as you suggest to make it so they don't pay the lion's share.

Snow--you have a penchant for trying to make big points out of nothing. Obviously Bush is not going to actually be able to change things THAT drastically--as I said he is trying to lighted the burden on the rich, and in my opinion WOULD do as much as he could to lessen the burden on the rich. Whether he would actually succeed in making the middle class carry the MAJORITY of the burden is not the point. Bush wants to make the middle and lower classes carrry a lot more---best example is Federal Estate Tax Exemption. Bush actually favors doing away with the Federal Estate Tax altogether.

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Originally posted by Cal@Sep 29 2004, 04:05 AM

I do think you have misinterpreted the causes of the problems with the economy of the 1920's. It was not JUST that consumers had too little to spend, which WAS true, but that the equity markets had too LITTLE control on trading practices. Why do you think the SEC regulations came into effect in 1933 and 1934?

Coincidently I am studying this very topic this week. The crash and depression hatched out of complex set of circumstances. I am sure we all agree that it was much more than lack of public confidence and lack of control on trading practices...

-Corruption was rife on Wall Street with Joseph Kennedy, Ivar Kreuger (the Swedish match king) and Samuel Insull leading the way. Later the crook Kennedy became the first head of the SEC on the idea that he would know all the tricks and deceptions the corrupt money brokers would try to get away with.

-Not unlike the recent scandal, much of the wealth in the stock market was simply vastly inflated "paper money." As an example, after the crash Insull's pyramid of holding companies fell apart and declined in value 96% - to what it was really worth.

-The paper wealth masked the economic rot in America... struggling farmers, factory worker unemployee, declining housing starts, etc.

-Production intesified but demand was falling and warehouses filled up.

-The worlds wealth was concentrated in the hands of small group of elites, many of whom really had gotten their wealth as Cal thinks - the Morgans, Rockafellers, Vanderbilts, Fords, etc.

-Not enough of the wealth was trickling down from the elite top to allow the masses to consume the production that was piling up in warehouses.

-Not understanding the insidiuos dynamics of the stock market, Americans, "drawn like moths to a flame" took their life savings and poured them into stocks and securities.

-The easy going rules of the day allowed investors to only put in 10% of the investment in cash, the other 90% coming from credit.

-The Federal Reserve fed the monster with artificially low interest rates because of old line Republicans beholden to their industry pals.

-In Sept of 29 the market was reaching its peak but the key industries of steel and auto production were in decline.

-Nervous European investors began to withdraw their money.

-Therefore brokers need cash and called on credit investors to pay off their credit.

-Investors began selling their stocks to raise the needed cash to pay off their credit.

-A wave of panic ensued as investors feared losing everything.

-As prices fell, brokers called on investors to pay more of the credit margins causing more sell-offs, lowering prices, repeating and exasserbating the cycle.

And so on and so forth.

The Stock Market Crash on Black Thursday and Black Tuesday did not cause the depression but it was syptomatic of the economy's underlying disease.

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Originally posted by Cal@Sep 30 2004, 04:01 PM

Snow--you have a penchant for trying to make big points out of nothing. Obviously Bush is not going to actually be able to change things THAT drastically--as I said he is trying to lighted the burden on the rich, and in my opinion WOULD do as much as he could to lessen the burden on the rich.

But you didn't say that. You said that the rich carry the burden and Bush was going to change that. I don't believe that you are merely careless with your verbiage, your argument depends upon misrepresenting the situation. If you simply said that Bush wants the top 5 percent or earners to pay 50% of the burden instead of the current 53.3% then no one would listen to you, so you twist what is going on to make your case.
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Originally posted by Snow+Sep 30 2004, 06:22 PM--></span><table border='0' align='center' width='95%' cellpadding='3' cellspacing='1'><tr><td>QUOTE (Snow @ Sep 30 2004, 06:22 PM)</td></tr><tr><td id='QUOTE'> <!--QuoteBegin--Cal@Sep 29 2004, 04:05 AM

I do think you have misinterpreted the causes of the problems with the economy of the 1920's. It was not JUST that consumers had too little to spend, which WAS true, but that the equity markets had too LITTLE control on trading practices. Why do you think the SEC regulations came into effect in 1933 and 1934?

Coincidently I am studying this very topic this week. The crash and depression hatched out of complex set of circumstances. I am sure we all agree that it was much more than lack of public confidence and lack of control on trading practices...

-Corruption was rife on Wall Street with Joseph Kennedy, Ivar Kreuger (the Swedish match king) and Samuel Insull leading the way. Later the crook Kennedy became the first head of the SEC on the idea that he would know all the tricks and deceptions the corrupt money brokers would try to get away with.

-Not unlike the recent scandal, much of the wealth in the stock market was simply vastly inflated "paper money." As an example, after the crash Insull's pyramid of holding companies fell apart and declined in value 96% - to what it was really worth.

-The paper wealth masked the economic rot in America... struggling farmers, factory worker unemployee, declining housing starts, etc.

-Production intesified but demand was falling and warehouses filled up.

-The worlds wealth was concentrated in the hands of small group of elites, many of whom really had gotten their wealth as Cal thinks - the Morgans, Rockafellers, Vanderbilts, Fords, etc.

-Not enough of the wealth was trickling down from the elite top to allow the masses to consume the production that was piling up in warehouses.

-Not understanding the insidiuos dynamics of the stock market, Americans, "drawn like moths to a flame" took their life savings and poured them into stocks and securities.

-The easy going rules of the day allowed investors to only put in 10% of the investment in cash, the other 90% coming from credit.

-The Federal Reserve fed the monster with artificially low interest rates because of old line Republicans beholden to their industry pals.

-In Sept of 29 the market was reaching its peak but the key industries of steel and auto production were in decline.

-Nervous European investors began to withdraw their money.

-Therefore brokers need cash and called on credit investors to pay off their credit.

-Investors began selling their stocks to raise the needed cash to pay off their credit.

-A wave of panic ensued as investors feared losing everything.

-As prices fell, brokers called on investors to pay more of the credit margins causing more sell-offs, lowering prices, repeating and exasserbating the cycle.

And so on and so forth.

The Stock Market Crash on Black Thursday and Black Tuesday did not cause the depression but it was syptomatic of the economy's underlying disease.

I don't really disagree with any of that.

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Originally posted by Snow+Sep 30 2004, 06:26 PM--></span><table border='0' align='center' width='95%' cellpadding='3' cellspacing='1'><tr><td>QUOTE (Snow @ Sep 30 2004, 06:26 PM)</td></tr><tr><td id='QUOTE'> <!--QuoteBegin--Cal@Sep 30 2004, 04:01 PM

Snow--you have a penchant for trying to make big points out of nothing. Obviously Bush is not going to actually  be able to change things THAT drastically--as I said he is trying to lighted the burden on the rich, and in my opinion WOULD do as much as he could to lessen the burden on the rich.

But you didn't say that. You said that the rich carry the burden and Bush was going to change that. I don't believe that you are merely careless with your verbiage, your argument depends upon misrepresenting the situation. If you simply said that Bush wants the top 5 percent or earners to pay 50% of the burden instead of the current 53.3% then no one would listen to you, so you twist what is going on to make your case.

Again, a mischaracterization of my position--which is, for the umpteethtime: Bush and the Repubs have an agenda that favors the rich. Did I say that they expect the rich to carry NO burden. If that IS what you heard me say, then either, I misspoke, or your are misinterpreting.

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Guest TheProudDuck

Cal,

Bush and the Repubs have an agenda that favors the rich.

If by "favors the rich," you mean that the Republican platform thinks there's no point in screwing the rich gratuitously, I plead guilty.

I could get into a big argument with the liberal philosopher John Rawls here, but my thinking is, if taxes on the rich can be cut without hurting anyone else, it should be done. Government should take no more than is absolutely necessary to carry out its proper functions.

I get the impression that, even if it were conclusively proven that a particular across-the-board tax cut (i.e. one which reduced taxes on everyone, including the wealthy) would do no harm to anyone, the Democratic Party would oppose it -- because they oppose any tax relief -- ever -- for the people they define as "rich." Following this logic to its natural conclusion, I conclude that they want the "rich" to pay all the taxes.

I don't, for at least two reasons. First, as I wrote above, having this kind of extreme progressivity in the tax code makes the budget extremely susceptible to huge drops during recessions, when the taxable incomes of the wealthy decline more dramatically than the incomes of the middle and lower classes. (They have a lot longer to fall.) You want a relatively stable revenue stream, which is best provided by low marginal rates on a large base.

My second objection is philosophical. I think everyone should pay some income tax, even the lower class, even if it's only a token payment. People need to have some kind of financial stake in the financial decisions they elect representatives to make. I think it's incredibly unhealthy for people to develop the idea that they should vote for whatever expensive government programs sound good to them, and not worry about the cost because the other guy will pay for it. If people are going to be voting on whether there will be free ice cream sundaes every Tuesday, they should have to consider the cost.

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Originally posted by TheProudDuck@Oct 1 2004, 05:30 PM

Cal,

Bush and the Repubs have an agenda that favors the rich.

If by "favors the rich," you mean that the Republican platform thinks there's no point in screwing the rich gratuitously, I plead guilty.

I could get into a big argument with the liberal philosopher John Rawls here, but my thinking is, if taxes on the rich can be cut without hurting anyone else, it should be done. Government should take no more than is absolutely necessary to carry out its proper functions.

I get the impression that, even if it were conclusively proven that a particular across-the-board tax cut (i.e. one which reduced taxes on everyone, including the wealthy) would do no harm to anyone, the Democratic Party would oppose it -- because they oppose any tax relief -- ever -- for the people they define as "rich." Following this logic to its natural conclusion, I conclude that they want the "rich" to pay all the taxes.

I don't, for at least two reasons. First, as I wrote above, having this kind of extreme progressivity in the tax code makes the budget extremely susceptible to huge drops during recessions, when the taxable incomes of the wealthy decline more dramatically than the incomes of the middle and lower classes. (They have a lot longer to fall.) You want a relatively stable revenue stream, which is best provided by low marginal rates on a large base.

My second objection is philosophical. I think everyone should pay some income tax, even the lower class, even if it's only a token payment. People need to have some kind of financial stake in the financial decisions they elect representatives to make. I think it's incredibly unhealthy for people to develop the idea that they should vote for whatever expensive government programs sound good to them, and not worry about the cost because the other guy will pay for it. If people are going to be voting on whether there will be free ice cream sundaes every Tuesday, they should have to consider the cost.

As a practical matter, an economic philosophy, like supply-side, has the effect of polarizing the distribution of wealth, making a lot more millionaires while increasing the number of people below the poverty line. That is exactly what happened under Reagan.

As to reducing the taxes on the rich--it's all relative isn't it. How much is TOO much? The rich will always think they pay too much. They will always be pushing to elect folks that will reduce their taxes because as long as the tax code is progressive, they will pay more. In Bush, they got their guy. They reduced the cap. gains to 15%, increased the Fed. Estate Tax Exemption etc. Theoretically you could get the majority of taxes from the middle and low classes if you wanted to. But of course, that would be political suicide,not to mention economic, even the Repubs know that, so they just look for ways to reduce the burden on the rich, without making it obvious to the average Joe.

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Guest TheProudDuck

Cal,

If tweaking the tax code were all that were needed to solve the problem (insofar as it is a problem; more on that later) of economic inequality, wonderful. But it's not.

Income inequality continued to increase under President Clinton. So did the increase in the number of millionaires.

The interesting thing is that, while the number of millionaires increased under Clinton, the number of supermillionaires (defined as people with $10 million or more of wealth) absolutely exploded during the 1990s. The number of supermillionaires remained fairly constant throughout the Reagan administration (declining from 66,500 in 1983 through 64,000 in 1986 to 41,000 in 1992 -- that last drop probably being caused by the 1991 recession). Under Clinton, supermillionaires blossomed like mushrooms on a manure-covered lawn. There were 239,000 supermilionaires by 1998. And that was before the tech bubble really took off.

In short, Clinton's economic program did diddly-squat to combat economic inequality. If anything, it further concentrated wealth in the hands of the super-rich.

The largest "gap" in economic equality between groups is not between the affluent and middle class, but between the merely affluent and the super-rich. My thesis as to why the super-rich made out like bandits under Clinton is that government-induced economic distortions, such as higher marginal tax rates, have a much greater effect on ordinary, aspiring producers than on really loaded people. The indexing of the tax code stops at $311,000. Above that level, a moderately-successful S-corporation small businessman pays the same rate as Bill Gates. The (relatively) little guy needs every penny he can get to expand, and feels every penny of revenue lost to taxation. The super-rich person has more than enough resources to do whatever he wants; taxes really aren't too much of an issue.

By the way, speaking of capital-gains tax reductions, you do remember that President Clinton reduced the capital-gains rate from 28% to 20% -- a 28% decrease, larger than the 25% (20% to 15%) cut enacted as part of the Bush tax cuts. Why aren't you saying that "in Clinton, the rich got their guy"?

As for the number of people below the poverty line, it's impossible to discuss this issue without factoring in mass immigration from Third World countries. But I've already gone long enough.

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I get the impression that, even if it were conclusively proven that a particular across-the-board tax cut (i.e. one which reduced taxes on everyone, including the wealthy) would do no harm to anyone, the Democratic Party would oppose it

With what Bush has done with the deficit (the largest ever). It will be quite awhile before any kind of tax break can even be considered.

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Originally posted by TheProudDuck@Oct 4 2004, 12:25 PM

Cal,

If tweaking the tax code were all that were needed to solve the problem (insofar as it is a problem; more on that later) of economic inequality, wonderful. But it's not.

Income inequality continued to increase under President Clinton. So did the increase in the number of millionaires.

The interesting thing is that, while the number of millionaires increased under Clinton, the number of supermillionaires (defined as people with $10 million or more of wealth) absolutely exploded during the 1990s. The number of supermillionaires remained fairly constant throughout the Reagan administration (declining from 66,500 in 1983 through 64,000 in 1986 to 41,000 in 1992 -- that last drop probably being caused by the 1991 recession). Under Clinton, supermillionaires blossomed like mushrooms on a manure-covered lawn. There were 239,000 supermilionaires by 1998. And that was before the tech bubble really took off.

In short, Clinton's economic program did diddly-squat to combat economic inequality. If anything, it further concentrated wealth in the hands of the super-rich.

The largest "gap" in economic equality between groups is not between the affluent and middle class, but between the merely affluent and the super-rich. My thesis as to why the super-rich made out like bandits under Clinton is that government-induced economic distortions, such as higher marginal tax rates, have a much greater effect on ordinary, aspiring producers than on really loaded people. The indexing of the tax code stops at $311,000. Above that level, a moderately-successful S-corporation small businessman pays the same rate as Bill Gates. The (relatively) little guy needs every penny he can get to expand, and feels every penny of revenue lost to taxation. The super-rich person has more than enough resources to do whatever he wants; taxes really aren't too much of an issue.

By the way, speaking of capital-gains tax reductions, you do remember that President Clinton reduced the capital-gains rate from 28% to 20% -- a 28% decrease, larger than the 25% (20% to 15%) cut enacted as part of the Bush tax cuts.

As for the number of people below the poverty line, it's impossible to discuss this issue without factoring in mass immigration from Third World countries. But I've already gone long enough.

Why aren't you saying that "in Clinton, the rich got their guy"?

Simply because under Reagan, ONLY the rich got richer. Under Clinton, EVERYBODY got richer.

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Originally posted by john doe@Oct 4 2004, 04:26 PM

keep repeating it, eventually you will start believing it.

Too late, I already do. It didn't take long either. I could repeat your rhetoric for an eternity and never be able to believe it.
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Guest TheProudDuck

Originally posted by Cal@Oct 4 2004, 04:17 PM

TheProudDuck,Oct 4 2004, 12:25 PM]

Why aren't you saying that "in Clinton, the rich got their guy

Simply because under Reagan, only the rich got richer. Under Clinton, practically everybody got richer.

Not true. Everybody got richer during the 1980s. Left-leaning economists try to deny this by using 1979-1980 as a baseline, thus imputing the economic meltdown of President Carter's last few months to Reagan. Nice try:

http://www.house.gov/jec/middle/crunch3/crunch3.htm

Under Clinton, the super-rich got enormously richer, while everybody else continued to advance at a 1980s-era pace. But stereotypes about caring Democrats and plutocratic Republicans are indeed hard to shake.

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Originally posted by TheProudDuck+Oct 4 2004, 04:46 PM--></span><table border='0' align='center' width='95%' cellpadding='3' cellspacing='1'><tr><td>QUOTE (TheProudDuck @ Oct 4 2004, 04:46 PM)</td></tr><tr><td id='QUOTE'> <!--QuoteBegin--Cal@Oct 4 2004, 04:17 PM

TheProudDuck,Oct 4 2004, 12:25 PM]

Why aren't you saying that "in Clinton, the rich got their guy

Simply because under Reagan, only the rich got richer. Under Clinton, practically everybody got richer.

Not true. Everybody got richer during the 1980s. Left-leaning economists try to deny this by using 1979-1980 as a baseline, thus imputing the economic meltdown of President Carter's last few months to Reagan. Nice try:

http://www.house.gov/jec/middle/crunch3/crunch3.htm

Under Clinton, the super-rich got enormously richer, while everybody else continued to advance at a 1980s-era pace. But stereotypes about caring Democrats and plutocratic Republicans are indeed hard to shake.

You are simply wrong about the middle class economic position of the Clinton era, vs REagan. Real purchasing power for the middle class especially, advanced considerably more under Clinton than under Reagan when inflation is taken into account.

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Guest TheProudDuck

Cal,

Real purchasing power for the middle class especially, advanced considerably more under Clinton than under Reagan when inflation is taken into account.

But that's not what you said. You said that under Reagan, the rich, and only the rich, got richer. Now you've backed off that a bit, and granted that people other than the rich got richer during the 1980s, but that they got even richer still under Clinton.

Since economic statistics are capable of being massaged and interpreted in many different ways, either because of good-faith differences over methodology or because of partisan manipulation, there probably can't ever be definitive answers ascribing cause and effect to various incidents of economic history.

Even if the 1990s were an economic golden age, keep in mind that the good times came crashing to a halt in 2000-2001. I think history will view the late 1990s very much the same as it viewed the late 1920s -- as a period of irrational exuberance that drove economic performance to an unsustainably overheated level. I think we have yet to work out all the distortions and instabilities caused by the tech bubble -- all the speculative money just ran from equities into coastal urban real estate, setting us up for yet another crash, one which will cut even more deeply because so much wealth of so many people is tied up in their homes.

My fundamental economic philosophy is that government redistribution is not the key to maintaining wide-based prosperity, or minimizing economic inequality. Government-caused distortions in the market can, however, inhibit growth. Taxes, by their nature, are such a distortion; that's why I believe (apparently in disagreement with you) that their only purpose should be to raise revenue for legitimate government uses, not to redistribute income.

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Originally posted by TheProudDuck@Oct 4 2004, 05:34 PM

Cal,

Real purchasing power for the middle class especially, advanced considerably more under Clinton than under Reagan when inflation is taken into account.

But that's not what you said. You said that under Reagan, the rich, and only the rich, got richer. Now you've backed off that a bit, and granted that people other than the rich got richer during the 1980s, but that they got even richer still under Clinton.

Since economic statistics are capable of being massaged and interpreted in many different ways, either because of good-faith differences over methodology or because of partisan manipulation, there probably can't ever be definitive answers ascribing cause and effect to various incidents of economic history.

Even if the 1990s were an economic golden age, keep in mind that the good times came crashing to a halt in 2000-2001. I think history will view the late 1990s very much the same as it viewed the late 1920s -- as a period of irrational exuberance that drove economic performance to an unsustainably overheated level. I think we have yet to work out all the distortions and instabilities caused by the tech bubble -- all the speculative money just ran from equities into coastal urban real estate, setting us up for yet another crash, one which will cut even more deeply because so much wealth of so many people is tied up in their homes.

My fundamental economic philosophy is that government redistribution is not the key to maintaining wide-based prosperity, or minimizing economic inequality. Government-caused distortions in the market can, however, inhibit growth. Taxes, by their nature, are such a distortion; that's why I believe (apparently in disagreement with you) that their only purpose should be to raise revenue for legitimate government uses, not to redistribute income.

We've probably exhausted the tax and wealth distribution issues. I don't totally disagree with you.

Much of what you say has merit, especially the part about where the wealth has gone--from the stock market into real estate--- in most the big coastal cities of the US. It remains to be seen if there will be a big "bust" on that. There may be, but, under Clinton the rise in the stock market was not ALL hype. There was a real increase in productivity during the latter 90's that generated real wealth. To the extent that that wealth was first accumulated in the stock market and then into real estate, we may not see as drastic a real estate crash as you seem to be predicting. A lot of it depends on public psychology--where do people THINK their wealth belongs--where can they make the most money. In real estate there is a supply and demand issue that plays into it in some areas. A lot of it will have to do with interest rates, that everyone is predicting will rise thanks to a large Fed deficit.

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Originally posted by john doe@Oct 4 2004, 05:26 PM

keep repeating it, eventually you will start believing it.

I think I've heard this comment before. I think it was in regards to bearing testimonies.
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Guest TheProudDuck

Cal,

There may be, but, under Clinton the rise in the stock market was not ALL hype. There was a real increase in productivity during the latter 90's that generated real wealth. To the extent that that wealth was first accumulated in the stock market and then into real estate, we may not see as drastic a real estate crash as you seem to be predicting. A lot of it depends on public psychology--where do people THINK their wealth belongs--where can they make the most money. In real estate there is a supply and demand issue that plays into it in some areas. A lot of it will have to do with interest rates, that everyone is predicting will rise thanks to a large Fed deficit.

True, the 1990s run-up in the equities markets wasn't all hype. The Dow peaked at about 14,000 before correcting back to the 10,000 range, which still represents a huge increase. Even the NASDAQ, at about 2,000 now as opposed to 5,000 at its peak, showed a huge increase. It's the paper wealth represented by the difference between those peaks and the fundamental values that went into real estate, and set off a speculative frenzy. People are buying homes, holding them for a year, and selling them for up to 60% more than what they bought them for. In some areas (like mine -- wonderful) it looks like about half the home sales are speculative.

The supply and demand issues, while significant, aren't driving the massive runups in prices in LA, OC, San Diego, Boston, etc. True, we've had lots of population growth, and we're starting to run low on land. (Although the pace of new home construction isn't significantly different from what it was a decade ago; while new land isn't being manufactured, new homes are added through higher-density development.) But the biggest run-up in prices has occurred since 2001, with prices more than doubling in coastal OC. The supply-and-demand fundamentals haven't changed so much in a mere three years as to justify anything near that level of appreciation.

Demand involves not only people wanting to buy houses; it's also required that people are able to buy houses. Fewer than 20% of Southern Californians have the income to buy a median-priced house. The result is that with a family income in the six figures, I can't buy a house. The only people buying are (1) people trading up, using their own massive equity increases to make giant down payments; (2) people getting tons of help from parents; (3) the genuinely wealthy; and (4) people who are stretching to make payments using ARM or interest-only loans, who will get absolutely killed when interest rates finally do rise.

A lot of it will have to do with interest rates, that everyone is predicting will rise thanks to a large Fed deficit.

That's the theory of Clinton's former Treasury secretary Robert Rubin -- that high federal deficits will cause high interest rates. Trouble is, the empirical evidence doesn't support that theory. We're running record federal deficits (in absolute terms), yet interest rates are at forty-year lows. I think the answer to this disconnect between Rubin's predictions and experience is that even very large federal deficits constitute such a small percentage of global borrowing that they don't have the "crowding-out" effect Rubin posited. Even if the government borrows $400 billion, so much more money is moving in capital markets around the world that the deficit has the effect of a drop in the bucket, theoretically significant but easily overshadowed by other market forces.

A person who, in 2001, followed Rubinomics in deciding whether to buy a home would be kicking himself this year. According to Rubinomics, interest rates should have risen, thus depressing housing markets; therefore, 2001, when deficits returned, would have been the absolute worst time to get into those markets. Instead, that person would have missed out on hundreds of thousands of dollars of equity appreciation -- a good deal of which will remain even in the event of an unprecedented 50% correction in real estate prices.

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